The Widespread Assertion  of Subaltern Identities 
 
 
Fifty years of reservations, promises by a ‘socialist’ Congress, and by the State as provider has not redressed the consequences of centuries of subjugation and marginalisation. But it has aroused tremendous expectations. 

A result of the early social movements and heightened expectations has been a consistent rise in Dalit consciousness. This assertion has assumed complex forms. Taking cue from the Black Consciousness Movement in the United States, are the Dalit Panthers. Dalits are now asserting their right to be the arbiters of their own fate, and have questioned the right of ‘outsiders,’ including NGOs to speak on their behalf. The assertion is slowly spreading to rural areas too. 

Similar developments have taken place among Adivasi communities. This was not so much an assertion of a social identity as was in the case of the Dalits. It was in response to an expropriation of their livelihoods, resulting from economic exploitation by the State and modern development of natural resources. They have also been politically marginalised and reduced to minorities in their own lands. The ‘North-East’ continues to be a ‘different’ problem altogether. 

 
Tudum Debba
(the Beat of the Drum)
Tribals of Warangal and Khamman District were fed up of being 'spoken for' by outsiders - government, its officials, academics, missionaries. Even the NGOs, People's War Group and other splinter ML groups were 'outsiders'. 

Being in a predominantly 'revolutionary' region, with increasing numbers of NGOs operating in the area, a great degreee of sensitisation has taken place.  But the old order of misgovernance and misplaced, alien priorities has led to the local communities beginning to assert their own identities and taking matters into their own hands. In 1997, tribals employed as teachers and other government employees, some local leaders formed the tudum debba. Their stand was that they can handle their own affairs, and do not need to be mediated for by any outsider, no matter how good or well intnetioned. 

Their ideological stance was quite clear - largely rooted in revolutionary rhetoric. The institutional framework too was quite weak and the decision making process, at a nascent stage. Yet it must be said that the process was important. 

After the 1999 elections however most of them parted ways and joined mainstream political parties. A few even joined extremist groups. 

 
 
 
The 
Jharkhand 
Movement
Long before the Independence Movement had become a national movement, the tribal areas of the east in mainland India were in a state of ferment. This was in the tribal areas that were apportioned to West Bengal, Bihar and Orissa after independence during the States’ Reorganisation in the ‘50s. Starting as strong anti-British struggles, they turned into a movement against the non-tribal invasion by traders and industries, and the subsequent alienation of resources of the area from local communities to the invasive elite, to surrounding urban agglomerations, and to a larger industrial complex. 

Apart from major successful political party formations that emerged from these struggles, a rich and diverse range of institutions and local/community initiatives and struggles have spawned from this movement. 
This region was in the forefront of the struggle against large projects – multipurpose and irrigation dams, industrial undertakings, mining, and recently a defence test-firing range. 

Some readings: 
Arvind N Das, Jharkhand Aborted Once Again. Economic and Political Weekly. Vol.XXXIII No.45. Mumbai. 1998. p2827. [L12.1198EPW2827]. 

Alex Ekka, Whither Jharkhand? Social Action, Vol.46 No.2. New Delhi. April-June, 1996. [J.L12a.0696SOA2]. 

Issues before the Jharkhand after formation of the Jharkhand Area Autonomous Council i.e., increasing hold of MNCs, Increasing Tensions in Tribal Solidarity, and Corruption in public life. 

Walter Fernandes, Jharkhand or Vanachal, Where are the Tribals? Economic and Political Weekly, Vol.33. Mumbai. October, 1998. [J.L12.1098EPW2770]. 

Vanachal is symbolic of the subalterns reasserting themselves without a clear cut ideology and of the status quo-ist forces co-opting them. Can one develop an ideology of federalism, decentralisation and autonomous economy? 

 
 
 
The  
Bhoomi  
Sena 
The Sena is an organisation of tribals in northern Maharashtra, which emerged after the land grab movement initiated by left parties in 1970. Adivasi leaders were disillusioned by the largely ‘symbolic’ character of the movement. Kaluram, an Adivasi activist began to investigate the illegal usurpation of land by the Savkars, with the active participation of the people. In the process the Bhoomi Sena was born. Its identity was predominantly Adivasi, with Adivasis in control. 

Resurgence and development 
…(The) central leadership or the ‘Vanguard Group’ (of the Bhoomi Sena)… encouraged the Adivasis to take local action in their own villages according to their own priorities and collective deliberations. Not only were outsiders not allowed to dictate what should be done, Bhoomi Sena itself shunned ‘centralism’ of any sort. The role of the ‘centre’ – i.e. the ‘ Vanguard Group’ that developed, consisted of 

  •  catalytic, supportive, co-ordinating and synthesising tasks;
  •  learning from local (village-level) struggle and disseminating their experiences and methods;
  •  coming to the assistance of local struggle when this was needed; w organising mass demonstrations in support of local struggles and co-ordinating wider struggles on specific issues;
  •  representing local grievances in government offices, courts, etc;
  •  conducting investigations to identify the nature and causes of injustice and exploitation;
  •  developing selective external contacts for obtaining support and assistance for the movement; and
  •  organising ‘conscientization camps’ called shibirs for collective analysis by the Adivasis of the experiences of their struggles, from which the meaning of their struggle is being progressively conceptualised to give the movement an increasingly autonomous direction.
Taken from 
GV Anis and Others, Bhoomi Sena: a Land Army.Development: Seeds of Change. Rome.. 1981:1.pp 6. [R.Q12.17]. 

A brief sketch of the movement with extract from a dialogue with the Vanguard Group. 

Also see 
GVS de Silva and others, Bhoomi Sena: A struggle for People’s Power. NIBM, Mumbai. A mimeograph. August, 1978. [R.L12a.601]. 

Some interesting chapters: ‘A Decade of Struggle’, ‘The Method of Bhoomi Sena (mobilisation through conscientisation to organisation)’, ‘Bhoomi Sena within a Perspective of Social Change’. 

 
Dalit Cultural and Political Assertion 

From the `achhut' (untouchable) and `atisudra' of the turn of the twentieth century, the large majority in the community initially accpeted with gratitude Gandhiji's new  coinage `harijan' (children of god) to escape the indignity of their earlier appellation. However, in the decades after independence, the term appeared to many within the community as patronising condescension. They preffered the neutral `Scheduled Castes' found in the Indian Constitution. 

It was in 1972 that a radical group in Maharashtra constituted the Dalit Panthers, patterned after black groups in America. The emphasis was on cultural assertion, pride and self-respect, with a central role for portest dalit literature. 

`There is in the word itself an inherent denial of pollution, Karma and caste hierarchy'. and more recently, the ambit of the term `Dalit' has been widened to embrace other oppressed categories, possibly as part of the growing consciousness to build a larger alliance of all disenfranchised and exploited groups. 

Organised political assertion by dalits as a separate group in North India is a comparaticely recent phenomenon. This was symbolised by the Bahujan Samaj Party which came to power in Uttar Pradesh in 1993. The new assertion of the dalits, as a separate self-conscious political entity, is in some ways parallel to classical Marxist `class consciousness' because it signifies an awareness of suppression and consequent organised mass action tofith this oppression. But it simultaneously runs fundamentally counter to Marxiam class consciouness, because the basis of a shared identity is not one's posiiton in the mode of production but in ritual caste hierachy. 

What has to be seen is to what extent this new dalit political assertion will address the problems of the `lower depths' of the dalits, ile. the scavengers and others in traditional `unclean' occupations, dalit women, landless labourers, bonded labourers, unorganised unskilled workers in urban slums, etc. This experience will have important implications not only for future modes of political organisation and assertion of the dalits, but also for the nature of effective state intervention for dalits. 
 

Taken from: 
Harsh Mander, Dalit Status and An Agenda for State Intervention. Anubhav, March 1997. [J.L16.0397ANU4]/ 
 
 
   Speaking for Themselves  

Gopal Guru, Dalit Cultural Movement and Dialetics of Dalit Politics in Maharashtra. Vikas Adhyayan Kendra, Mumbai. November, 1997. [Available at CED Rs. 30/-]. 

The Mudhouse writers (Subaltern) used cultural forms to radicalise Dalit politics. However most of it was colonised by the State and dominant forces like the Congress. A few Dalit women did resist the domination and tried to articulate the aspiration of the Dalit. But the Dalit literary establishment resisted this. The Subaltern writers must tackle the Dalit literacy establishment on the one hand and the colonising State on the other.  

Gopal Guru, Human Rights and the Dalits: The Great Concern. IGSSS, Delhi. August, 2000. [C.LI8.010800GC]. 

The Dalit perspective does not take a voluntarist view that Human Rights are bestowed for all people to enjoy. It assumes that the right to be human is not State constituted, but is historically constituted through the constant struggle for ‘Manuski’.  

Smita Namla, Broken People: Caste Violence Against India’s ‘Untouchables’. Human Rights Watch, New York. March, 1999. [B.L11b.H1]. 

National Campaign for Dalit Human Rights (NCDHR), Charter of Dalit Human Rights. NCDHR [C.L18.010399HRT]. 

NCDHR, Dalit Womens’ Charter of Rights and Demands. NCDHR. [C.L18.011299HRT]. 

Chandra Bhan Prasad and SS Bechain, When non-Dalit commentators err. Hindu, Chennai. January, 2000. [C.R17.040100HIN]. 

There is a growing tendency among non-Dalit scholars to talk of Dalit Rights passionately, but at the same time, debunk their Movement and Leadership.  

Daya Pawar and Sambhaji Bhagat, We are not your Monkeys. A video film by Anant Patwardhan (5 minutes). A Dalit Critique of the Ramayana Legend, presented through a song. [V.L11.236]. 

BR Ambedkar, ‘Riddle of Rama and Krishna’, Appendix No.1 of Part III of the Book Riddles of Hinduism. Dalit Sahitya Akademy, Bangalore. 1995. [R.L40a.7]. 

VT Rajshekar, A Recipe for Revolution: A Humanist and Marxist Interpretation of the Grand Alliance of the Sufferers and Co-Sufferers. Dalit Sahitya Akademy, Bangalore. 1985. [R.Q31.18]. 

MC Raj, From Periphery to Centre: Analysis of the Paradigm of Globalization, Casteism and Dalitism. Ambedkar Resource Centre, Tumkur. 1998. [B.U00.R5]. 

BN Sharada, Some notes on the emergence of the Dalit Sangharsh Samithi in Karnataka. Unpublished. December, 1999. [C.L17a.011299]. 

Some websites:  
www.ambedkar.org  
www.dalit.org  
www.dalitindia.com  
www.dalitchristians.com 

 

 
Readings on the Subaltern: 
Tribals 

Partha Mukherji, The Gorkhaland Movement: Some Theoretical Formulations and Propositions. Social Action, New Delhi. Vol.46 No.2. April-June, 1996. [J.S17.0696SOA2]. 

BD Sharma, National Front for Tribal Self-Rule.Tide Turned: The Makings of Tribal Self-Rule in the First Central Law in the wake of the Bhuria Committee Report.  Sahyog Pustak Kutir, New Delhi. 1997. [R.L12a.605]. 

Walter Fernandes, and Arundati Roy Chaudhury, Search for a Tribal Identity: The Dominant and the Subaltern. Social Action, New Delhi. Vol.43 No.1. January-March, 1993. [J.L12.0393SOA08]. 

Suguna Pathy, Political Economy of the Ethnic Peoples in India: Some Reflections. Social Action, New Delhi. Vol.43 No.1. January-March, 1993. [J.L13.0393SOA41]. 

Ranajit Guha and others, Subaltern Studies: Writings on South Asian History and Society. A series of seven volumes brought out by the Oxford University Press. [B.M10.G20; B.M10.G15; B.M10.G14; B.M10.G13; B.M10.G39; B.M10.G45; B.M10.C23]. 

Savyasaachi, Tribal Forest-Dwellers And Self-Rule. Indian Social Institute, New Delhi. 1998. [B.E23d.S60]. 
GN Devy, Gail Omvedt, Suresh Sharma, Smitu Kothari, Amita Baviskar, Rethinking Tribals. The Hindu, July, 2000. [R.L12.615]. 

Douglas Sanders, Indigenous People on the International Stage. Indian Social Institute, New Delhi. 1993. p1. [J.L12.0393SOA2]. 

Mari Thekkekara, Tribal Women: The Trauma of Transition. Indian Social Institute, New Delhi. 1993. p23. [J.A10a.0393SOA23]. 

Nirmal Minz, Cultural Identity of Tribals in India. Indian Social Institute, New Delhi. 1993. p32. [J.L12.0393SOA32]. 

Mario Ibarra, Annotations for a Chronology of Indigenous Peoples in International Law. Indian Social Institute, New Delhi. 1993. p49. [J.L13.0393SOA49]. 

Shalini D’Souza, Charter of the Indigenous Tribal People of the Tropical Forests. Indian Social Institute, New Delhi. 1993. p93. [J.E23d.0393SOA93]. 

Ratnakar Bhengra, CR Bijoy and Shimreichon Luithui, The Adivasis of India. Minority Rights Group International, London. 1999. [R.L12.614]. 

Amit Mitra, In our Village, we are the Government. Down To Earth, Vol.4, No.13. New Delhi. 1995. [J.L12a.1195DTE13]. 

Dalits  

National Campaign for Dalit Human Rights (NCDHR), Charter of Dalit Human Rights . NCDHR. [C.L18.010399HRT]. 

NCDHR, Dalit Women's Charter of Rights and Demands. NCDHR. [C.L18.011299HRT]. 

BN Sharada, Some notes on the emergence of the Dalit Sangharsh Samithi in Karnataka. Unpublished. December, 1999. [C.L17a.011299]. 

Gail Omvedt, Dalit Visions: The Anti-Caste Movement and the Construction of an Indian Identity. Tract for the times/8. Sangam Books. 1995. [B.L11.O3] [available at CED Rs. 45/-]. 

Rajni Kothari, Rise of the Dalits and the Renewed Debate on Caste. Economic and Political Weekly, Bombay. Vol.29 No.25. June, 1994. [J.L10.94EPW1594]. 

Eleanor Zelliot, From Untouchable to Dalit – Essays on the Ambedkar Movement. Manohar Publishers, New Delhi. 1992. [B.L11.Z1]. 

BD Sharma, Dalits Betrayed. Har-Anand Publications, New Delhi. 1994. [B.L11.S6]. 

Vikas Adhyayan Kendra, Perspectives On Dalit Question and The Future of Dalit Politics. VAK, Mumbai. 1998. [L16.R60]. 

Walter Fernandes, The Emerging Dalit Identity: The Re-assertion of the Subalterns. Indian Social Institute, New Delhi. 1996. [B.L11.F1]. 

Collection of essays including:  

  •  Dalit Women as Receivers and Modifiers of Discourse by P Ginwalla and S Ramanathan 
  •  Dalit Organisations: Reconstituting Reality by F Franco and V Parmar 
  •  Implications of Fundamentalist Revival for Dalit Identity by AK Lal 
  •  Emerging Identity of Untoauchables: Gandhi, Ambedkar and Sulabh by Bideshwar Patha 
  • Naxalite Violence and Varna Ideology: Ganjhus in Turmoil by Tony Herbert 
 
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